A Guide to Terminal Punctuation

A Guide to Terminal Punctuation A Guide to Terminal Punctuation A Guide to Terminal Punctuation By Mark Nichol This post outlines the functions of punctuation marks employed at the end of a sentence: the period, the exclamation point, the question mark, and ellipses. Period Periods are employed as terminal punctuation for statements other than questions or exclamations. In American English, periods precede a close quotation mark at the end of a sentence (with some technical exceptions in such fields as botany, linguistics, and philosophy). Periods also follow numbers and letters that precede each item in a vertical list. When an abbreviation ending in a period closes a sentence (such as in â€Å"Such abbreviations are common in content pertaining to mathematics, science, etc.†), it does double duty as terminal punctuation; do not add a period. An exclamation point or question mark can follow such use of a period, but revision to avoid consecutive punctuation is advised. See this post for information about the use of periods in abbreviation. Exclamation Point In formal writing, use of the exclamation point is rare, but it performs a useful function in expressing exclamation of surprise (â€Å"That’s absurd!†) or communicating an imperative (â€Å"Halt!†). It may also be employed to indicate enthusiasm (â€Å"Hi!†). An exclamation point should replace, not accompany, a comma (â€Å"No!† she replied†), though an exception is made when the exclamation is part of the title of a composition or of a component of one (â€Å"Her latest painting, titled simply Yes!, is on display†; â€Å"The final chapter, ‘Where Do I Go from Here?,’ is essential reading†). When both an exclamation point and a question mark are appropriate, choose one or the other, though in informal writing, an interrobang, a hybrid of both symbols, can be employed. Frequent use of the exclamation point, or use of two or more in succession, is distracting and should be employed only, for example, to signal in fiction writing the exuberance of a character. An exclamation point in parentheses indicates an editorial interpolation expressing alarm or surprise, as in â€Å"A speaker who seriously proposed summary execution (!) was heckled.† Writers should take care to place an exclamation point before or after a close quotation mark depending on its function. Compare, for example, â€Å"John screamed, ‘Get out!’† and â€Å"You can believe I was shocked when Mary quietly responded, ‘I know the truth, because I was there’!† In the first sentence, the exclamation point, positioned inside the quotation marks containing John’s outburst, emphasizes the screamed command; in the second sentence, the exclamation point, located outside the quotation marks framing Mary’s reported comment but within those bracketing the reporter’s statement, signals the surprise the reporter felt about Mary’s unexpected but quietly uttered admission. Exclamation points that are integral to a proper name (for example, in the company name Yahoo! or in the title of the television program Jeopardy!) are usually retained, though they may, especially in the former example, invite confusion. (Ambiguity is unlikely in the case of an exclamation point that is part of a word or phrase formatted in italics or boldface.) Question Mark A question mark is employed in place of a period to indicate an interrogative word, phrase, or full sentence- usually the latter, although it may follow a single word or a phrase functioning as a sentence, or one or more interrogative elements can be embedded in a sentence, as in â€Å"Was he feeling envy? resentment? humiliation?† (Alternatively, the last two words might be treated as one-word sentences: â€Å"Was he feeling envy? Resentment? Humiliation?†) Question marks should not punctuate indirect questions (â€Å"The question is whether the initiative should be funded by taxpayers†), sentences ending with interrogative words (â€Å"Naturally, you might ask why†), or formal requests (â€Å"Would you please respond at your earliest inconvenience†). A question mark may also replace or accompany an unknown quantity, as in â€Å"John Smith (1452?–1506) . . .† or â€Å"John Smith (?–1506) . . . .† See also the discussion of exclamation points above; all the guidance after the first paragraph in that section applies to question marks as well. Ellipses When ellipses end an unfinished sentence, the implication is that the reader is familiar with the full sentence (â€Å"When in Rome . . .†), which is delivered in an offhand manner, or that the speaker is faltering (â€Å"I was just trying to . . .†). (To represent interrupted speech, use a dash rather than ellipses; see this post about the use of dashes as internal punctuation.) When representing omission of one or more words at the beginning of a sentence that follows a full sentence, use a period and ellipses as shown here: â€Å"Finish each day and be done with it. . . . Tomorrow is a new day.† When indicating elision of one or more words at the end with a complete sentence, which is followed by another sentence, place the period for the first sentence after the ellipses as shown here: â€Å"I want to live and feel all the shades, tones and variations of mental and physical experience . . . . And I am horribly limited.† (The period is the fourth dot.) Do not place ellipses at the end of a quotation to indicate that more text follows the quotation in the source material. The use of ellipses as internal punctuation is discussed in this post. Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Punctuation category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:50 Redundant Phrases to AvoidHow to Punctuate Descriptions of ColorsDrama vs. Melodrama

The Inaugural Address of John F. Kennedy

The Inaugural Address of John F. Kennedy John Kennedys inaugural address is one of the most memorable political speeches of the past century. The young presidents reliance on biblical quotations, metaphors, parallelism, and antithesis recall some of the powerful speeches of Abraham Lincoln. The most famous line in Kennedys address (Ask not . . .) is a classic example of chiasmus. In his book White House Ghosts (Simon Schuster, 2008), journalist Robert Schlesinger (the son of historian Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., a Kennedy adviser) outlines some of the distinctive qualities of John Kennedys oratorical style: Short words and clauses were the order, with simplicity and clarity the goal. A self-described idealist without illusions, JFK preferred a cool, cerebral approach and had little use for florid expressions and complex prose. He liked alliteration, not solely for reasons of rhetoric but to reinforce the audiences recollection of his reasoning. His taste for contrapuntal phrasingnever negotiating out of fear but never fearing to negotiateillustrated his dislike of extreme opinions and options. As you read Kennedys speech, consider how his methods of expression contribute to the forcefulness of his message. The Inaugural Address of John F. Kennedy (January 20, 1961) Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedomsymbolizing an end, as well as a beginningsignifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago. The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globethe belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God. We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americansborn in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledgeand more. To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can dofor we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those peoples in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is requirednot because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house. To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of supportto prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weakand to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present courseboth sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankinds final war. So let us begin anewremembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate. Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce. Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiahto undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free. And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavornot a new balance of power, but a new world of lawwhere the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin. In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us againnot as a call to bear arms, though arms we neednot as a call to battle, though embattled we arebut a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibilityI welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for youask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth Gods work must truly be our own. NEXT: Ted Sorensen on the Kennedy Style of Speech-Writing